The Study of Racialism

Phil345 · Wizard Joined: 03 Oct 2005 {Posts: 524 }

All of my experiences with ethiopians/eritreans/somolians (i grew up in D.C) mirror anonymouse's regarding this subject. They often get questions about their race, but they are adamant that they are the "oldest" black people, and are not mixed with anything, having very homogenous family lineage going back many centuries......howver they still make strong distinctions between themselves and other africans (i.e Bantu west africans), and other blacks.

fwsweet · Posted: Thu 11 Oct 2007 18:06 Post subject:

Phil345 · Wizard Joined: 03 Oct 2005 {Posts: 524 }

fwsweet · Posted: Thu 11 Oct 2007 18:28 Post subject:

Phil345 · Wizard Joined: 03 Oct 2005 {Posts: 524 }

I did not start this thread, but to be clear most of the people I was talking about, were citizens of Ethiopa living in the united states, and not Americans. People from the "Horn" of Africa are a relatively new immigrant group here.

fwsweet · Posted: Thu 11 Oct 2007 19:00 Post subject:

G-Man · Moderator Joined: 27 Nov 2004 {Posts: 2992 }

I'll agree with Phil345, most Ethiopians/Eritreans/Somalians I've come across see themselves as black people, with the possible exception of my Eritrean neighbors who are, I believe, Rashaida (Arabs).

Many, however, appear to maintain an attitude of superiority relative to other sub-Saharan Africans and African Americans. You know, they have their own written language, they were some of the first people to embrace Christianity, some of them speak Semitic languages, etc. More than a few of them are color struck.

From some of the reading material I've come across, many Horn of Africa people did not see themselves as black people. In Clarence Walker's "We Can't Go Home Again: An Argument about Afrocentrism", the author mentions Emperor Menelik II receiving an award or something from some African Americans recognizing his contributions to the “Negro world” in the 1930s. He informed them that he was not a Negro. I’ll have to go back and get the actual source for his quote.

Sankofa · Posted: Thu 11 Oct 2007 20:06 Post subject:

I agree with Phil345 too, as well as G-man's statement about some Ethiopians having a superior attitude towards "African-Americans" (but so do some Africans from other regions and some West Indians too).

However, regarding Menelik II's comment about him not being "Negro"... I agree with him because I do not and will not ever accept that term either, so I can empathize with his rejection of that term. It was an engineered term created for all Africans and African descended people by foreigners to the African continent.

However, Selassie I accepted awards from "African-American" leaders/educators and granted awards to "African-Americans" in return. His Grandson has continued in this legacy as well.

http://www.ethiopiancrown.org/press.htm#sep13

gemini072 · Moderator Joined: 27 Nov 2004 {Posts: 2942 }

THE FIRST ETHIOPIANS IN AMERICA
According to the U.S. Committee for Refugees (USCR), Africans have only recently begun immigrating the United States and their numbers are rather small compared to other groups from Asia and Europe. Ethiopians were among the first African immigrants to voluntarily come to the United States. In 1991 there were an estimated 50,000 to 75,000 Ethiopians living in the United States. Ethiopians began to migrate to America after the passage of the 1980 Refugee Act. The Refugee Act was the first formal policy the United States adopted toward the African refugees. Ethiopians have been the most heavily represented group from Africa admitted to the United States between 1982 and 1994. Only Somalis have exceeded Ethiopians in the numbers of African immigrants arriving in the United States after 1994.

SIGNIFICANT IMMIGRATION WAVES
The 1980 Refugee Act set limits on the number of African refugees allowed into the country in a given year. The ceiling was initially set at 1,500 in 1980 and it has grown to 7,000 in 1995. The ceiling does not, however, reflect the actual number of refugees admitted to the United States. Often the actual number of immigrants that come to the United States is lower than the ceiling. For example, in 1986, 1,315 African refugees were admitted in relation to the 3,500 person limit. Ethiopians began to immigrate to the United States in large numbers in large part to escape the repressive political tactics of the Mariam regime. Mariam's government, the Derg, or the "Committee," exercised violent tactics against opposition groups and controlled the media in order to maintain power between 1974 to 1991. The political climate at the time worked in favor of Ethiopians who wished to begin a new life in America. In the early 1980s the United States was being criticized in the international community regarding its commitment to combating the spread of Marxism in Africa. It was at this time that the United States decided to open its doors to African refugees.

In relation to other continents, the number of refugees admitted from Africa has been consistently low. David Haines in Refugees in America in the 1990s: A Reference Handbook cites several reasons that account for the rather tenuous U.S. policy toward the admission of African refugees. First, there is little political capital for U.S. public officials to earn by admitting African refugees. The number of politically active Ethiopians in the United States in comparison to other nationality groups is negligible. There is therefore little pressure among U.S. policy makers to admit Ethiopians in high numbers. Second, when Africans first began seeking asylum in the early 1980s, there was a desire among African governments, the OAU, and the United Nations to relocate African refugees in other African countries. Lastly, the fear of uncommon diseases being introduced to the United States made politicians cautious about opening its doors to Africa.

SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
During the 1980s famine in Northern Africa and during the repressive Marxist rule, many Ethiopians migrated to Sudan. The majority of Ethiopians that ultimately migrated to the United States came from Khartoum, Sudan. The transitional resettlement period for Ethiopians in Sudan during this period was unpleasant for most. The majority of Ethiopians in Sudan were unemployed and relied on financial support from family members in Ethiopia or they lived in resettlement camps. Given the poor economic status of Sudan at the time, Ethiopian refugees would not fare well in the region. When the opportunity to resettle to a third country emerged, most Ethiopians targeted the United States. They believed that they would receive the greatest opportunity to improve their condition as previous refugees in North America had. When the nationalist wars in Ethiopia ended in 1991, much of the impetus for resettlement in the Horn of Africa was eliminated. However the defeat of the Derg led to violent upheaval in Southern Ethiopia which again instigated some displacement.

When Ethiopian refugees arrived in the United States, their first inclination was to emigrate toward regions already heavily populated with Ethiopians. Many Ethiopians therefore targeted Los Angeles, Washington, D.C., Dallas, and New York City. Of these cities the metropolis that attracted the most Ethiopians in their secondary resettlement patterns was Washington, D.C. because of its large service sector economy. According to 1992 Office of Refugee Resettlement data, the majority of Ethiopians that were admitted to the U.S. were males (62 percent). The primary reason males far outnumbered females pertains to the patriarchal social structure that exists in many African countries. The social structure enabled men to meet the educational and occupational requirements established by the U.S. government for admittance into the United States. Another factor that related to admission was religion. The majority of Ethiopians admitted to the U.S. were Christian because they were considered the best candidates to easily assimilate into American culture. However the main factor that determined whether an Ethiopian immigrant could enter the United States was educational background. Because the Amharic-speaking Ethiopians had the greatest access to educational opportunities in Ethiopia they were the most heavily represented group of Ethiopians admitted to the U.S. in the 1990s.

ACCULTURATION AND ASSIMILATION
According to a 1986 survey in The Economic and Social Adjustment of Non-Southeast Asian Refugees edited by Cichon et. al., assimilation into American culture has not been easy for Ethiopians. According

Berhanu Adanne is surrounded by Ethiopian American friends and fans after his victory in the second largest 10 kilometer race in the United States, the Bolder Boulder in Colorado.

to this study, Ethiopians have not adapted well to the fast pace and "fend for yourself" attitude inherent in an advanced capitalist society. This has resulted in an unusually high rate of suicide and depression. Many Ethiopian refugees have managed to find support in areas where there are higher concentrations of Ethiopians. Cities such as Washington, D.C. and Dallas, where previous generations of Ethiopians have established a social and economic foundation, facilitate the transition for incoming Ethiopians. There is also evidence in the same study to suggest that Ethiopians have greater success adapting to their new country when they gravitate to regions heavily populated with African Americans. Some of the activities Ethiopians engage in to strengthen their sense of belonging include playing soccer and joining social and economic support groups called Ekub. Traditionally, an Ekub was an Abyssintine financial group designed to make capital accessible and generate social activity. While some Ethiopians have penetrated middle class American society with little difficulty, others have relied on social organizations modeled after the social structure in their native land.

Book Lakew, an Ethiopian scholar suggested that even though there are now generations of educated Ethiopians in the United States, they still suffer social and economic resistance in American society. Part of the problem, according to Lakew, is that Ethiopians lack valuable exposure to the team work, leadership, and organizational activities that many American children are trained to thrive in at an early age. Lakew claimed that groups like the Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, and grade school mock elections provide American youth with the skills necessary to work in organizational settings later in life. The inability to flourish in an organizational setting, according to Lakew, prevents Ethiopian immigrants from making career advances in the United States. Lakew stated that this organizational handicap explains why Ethiopians rarely collaborate in business ventures in the United States, fail to form strong social and political organizations that promote the interests of Ethiopians in the United States, and lag behind other groups of immigrants who have graduated to the middle class in America.

CUISINE
Ethiopian cuisine is similar to Cajun and Middle Eastern fare which combine pepper spices with staples such as lentils, potatoes, green beans, and olive oil. Many Ethiopian dishes are made with berbere, or red pepper. Dishes are usually prepared warm rather than hot. A popular Ethiopian dessert is a sweet, but dry, version of the Greek baklava.

Most Ethiopian dishes are eaten without utensils. In place of a fork Ethiopians use bread called injera and their hands to deliver succulent entrees such as Fiftit, Kitfo, and Gored to the pallet. Injera is similar to a Greek pita or a tortilla made from sourdough and soda water which makes for a chewy pancake-like texture. The conventional way of eating Ethiopian cuisine is to place a small portion of the entree on a torn piece of injera and rolling it up like a finger sized tortilla. Many Ethiopian entrees are served in a stew formed, called wot. Some common Ethiopian dishes include alicha-sega wat, consisting of beef cubes in purified butter; doro wat, chicken and egg cooked in red chili powder; misir wat, red split lentils cooked in spices; tikil-gomen, a combination of spiced cabbage, carrots, and potatoes; and Fosoli, spiced string beans, carrots, onions, and garlic sautéed in olive oil.

MUSIC
One form of music popular among Ethiopians is a chant deriving from the Ethiopian Orthodox Christian Church. Ethiopian tradition holds that a series of chants was revealed to a man named Yared who subsequently transcribed the hymns in the sixth century. The Ethiopian Orthodox Christian Church trains chanters who are called debtara. Debtara, who are not ordained but considered part of the church's administration, lead hymns for the congregation. The system of chants used by Ethiopians, which are written in the mother language of Ge`ez, is called melekket. Ge`ez is easily adapted to melody because each sign represents a syllable. Ethiopians use chants to accentuate different moods and occasions. Araray chants are used to punctuate a joyous occasion and ezel chants are performed during periods of fasting and mourning.

TRADITIONAL COSTUMES
The native Ethiopian dress is a white robe-like garment made of cotton called a shamma. Both men and women wore the shamma. Men traditionally wear tight-fitting white cotton pants beneath the shamma, while women wear colorful dresses that hang down to their ankles. During feast days, the shamma is adorned with a red stripe down the hem, which is called a jano. Men of distinguished heritage or rank wear an embroidered silk tunic called a kamis, which is color-coded in accordance with rank. In the evening, when it is cool, a shawl called a barnos is sometimes wrapped around the shoulders. A hood is usually attached to the barnos, though it is seldom worn. Few Ethiopians dress in their native attire except on special occasions.

HEALTH ISSUES
Ethiopians generally receive superior health care services in the United States in comparison to their home country. In rural areas in Ethiopia health care is often inadequate, when available. A small percentage of Ethiopians have access to modern health care services. The infant mortality rate in Ethiopia is one of the highest in the world and the life expectancy is one of the lowest (46 years for men and 48 years for women). Because many Ethiopians have entered the service sector in the United States, few have comprehensive medical coverage. Fewer employers are providing health coverage in the United States and wages in the service industries are often insufficient for Ethiopian immigrants to pay for their own coverage. Consequently, many Ethiopian immigrants either rely on subsidized health care assistance programs, holistic practices, or go without coverage.

LANGUAGE
Ge'ez is the classical Ethiopian language. However, the most commonly spoken languages in Ethiopia are Amharic and Oromo. Amharic is the official language of the country. The majority of the languages spoken in Ethiopia derive from the Semitic languages of Abyssinia. Amharic has been called lesana negus, which means "language of the kings." It is predominantly spoken by Christians. The most idiosyncratic feature of Amharic pronunciation is the use of the pallet and the formation of sentences ending with a verb. The Amharic alphabet is made up of 33 letters and has seven vowels.

INTERACTIONS WITH OTHER ETHNIC GROUPS
Ethiopians are aware of racial divisions that exist in the United States, however, they generally try to resist forming an identity out of their ethnicity. Although they generally feel more comfortable interacting with African Americans, they do not feel privy to the historical, political, and socio-economic fight for equal standing held by the African American community. Because Ethiopians were not born to the ethnic tensions that exist in American culture and politics, they do not feel entitled to position themselves within ethnic cleavages in America. Ethiopians are more concerned with satisfying basic needs, such as learning the language, finding gainful employment, and establishing some sort of social network through which they can communicate and seek support when necessary. Second generation Ethiopians seem most at home with the African American community and take advantage of the social support networks established by first generation Ethiopians.

New York - The much anticipated young dancers of Ethiopia (pictured above with actor/singer Leon yesterday) have arrived in New York to kick-off their millennium celebration tour in the United States.

High School Teacher · Posted: Fri 12 Oct 2007 00:42 Post subject:

fwsweet · Posted: Fri 12 Oct 2007 00:56 Post subject:

High School Teacher · Posted: Fri 12 Oct 2007 01:05 Post subject:

Frank--

G-Man · Moderator Joined: 27 Nov 2004 {Posts: 2992 }

JustLindsey · Posted: Mon 15 Oct 2007 23:31 Post subject:

Just thought this would add to the conversation it's from Donna Rosenthal's "The Israelis."
"In rap and reggae clubs like Soweto in Tel Aviv, Ehiopians in cool hip-hop clothes gyrate on the dance floor, imitation groups they watch on MTV. They are infatuated with African American rappers, actors, and basketball players. Some men wear gold chains and have adopted rapper nicknames like Ice-T and puff Daddy. "I love rap. We call it a black person's CNN, says Devorah..." She also goes on to say that 71% of Non-Ethopian Israelis would find it a problem if their children or grandchildren married an Ethopian. P.S these Falasha or Ethiopian Jews.

JustLindsey · Posted: Mon 15 Oct 2007 23:37 Post subject:

On another note from the other side of African to be more specific, Ghana. My friend who is first generation American, both parents and older sister emigrated from there, once told me that when they go back to visit they are called white girls by the locals because "they act American."

gemini072 · Moderator Joined: 27 Nov 2004 {Posts: 2942 }